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THIS
STAR OF ENGLAND
"William Shakes-speare" Man of the Renaissance by Dorothy and Charlton Ogburn (Originally published by Coward-McCann, Inc., New York 1952. Reprinted with the express permission of Charlton Ogburn, Jr.) |
Chapter Forty-Two1583CALIBAN IS SYMBOLIC on more than one level for different versions of the play. Besides representing, in the late 1580's and the 1590's, the gross, earthbound, easily swayed mob and the hoodlums of the theatre, he seems in part to personify, for the original, topical version of 1583, the matured bastard son of Aaron and Tamara of Titus Andronicus--offspring of black villainy mated with conspiracy--to whom, as he carried the child away, the malevolent Aaron had said (IV.2.177-82):
destining him
Othello was the son of a Moor; he had thick lips, according to Roderigo (I.1.66); he came to "be a warrior and command a camp." Alençon, the 1583 prototype of Othello, also had thick lips, came "to be a warrior and command a camp," in Flanders. It is all very complex, and this is only one level of meaning. Caliban is the son of the "damn'd witch Sycorax . . . the blue-eyed hag," who had imprisoned Ariel in the rift of a cloven pine, where he did
In the year 1571, "a dozen years" before The Tempest was written, the project of Queen Elizabeth's marriage to the due d'Anjou, afterward Henry III of France, was proposed; in 1572 it was abandoned, and Catherine de' Medici suggested the younger brother, Alençon, 1 for the match instead, thus initiating the twelve-year period of negotiations. Who but the wicked Catherine de' Medici was the "blue-eyed hag, the damn'd witch, Sycorax," of "mischiefs manifold and sorceries terrible"? Oxford hated her passionately; she was the prototype of the wicked stepmother Queen, of Cymbeline, who dealt in poisons, and of the wicked Dionyza in Pericles, who plotted murder. We shall meet her yet again. Stephano calls Caliban "Monsieur monster" (III.2.19); and "Monsieur," it will be recalled, was the name by which Alençon was widely known. Moreover, "Argier" (I.2.265) must stand for the English pronunciation of Angers, the capital of the dukedom of Anjou, which Alençon had inherited on his brother's accession. These facts add weight, if not considerable clarity, to Prospero's speech (V.1.268-71 ):
As for the "mis-shapen knave," Motley wrote of Alençon:
The Queen Mother of France had, indeed, been so strong that she might have been said to "control the moon," Elizabeth, since the Queen of England was compelled to maintain friendly relations with France, in order to fortify her position against Philip of Spain; Catherine of course played this advantage for all it was worth. The expression "flows and ebbs" perfectly describes Elizabeth's policy, never more so than in regard to the Alençon match. All this inference is given point by the name Sycorax, which Mrs. Clark suggests is formed by combining the first part of the word "sycophant" with a slightly altered "rex." The passage, just quoted, indicates a certain sycophancy on Elizabeth's part; but there is more to it than that. Oxford's imagination had for twelve years been kept in bondage--sycophancy to the English Rex--for the purpose of romanticizing and popularizing the Alençon match, to which there was always powerful opposition, writing masques and interludes before he produced plays. Now that this had become a dead issue, his imagination would be set free at last, as Prospero promises that Ariel shall be. He has reminded Ariel (I.2.270 et seq.):
A deep sense of indignity at having had his creative gifts subjected for so long to such an unworthy cause would seem to have embittered Oxford against the man who had, besides, turned out to be a monster of wickedness like his mother. Although he subsequently modified the Alençon characters--Bassanio, Orlando, Othello--he left enough of the original version, as we have seen, to reveal the early dates and topicality of the plays. There is still another bondage from which Prospero means to free his imagination. This is the burden of galling resentment with which his traducers have poisoned it. Although Antonio is, for economy and perhaps disguise, inoculated with Burghley's bad traits, those which worked against Oxford, he and Sebastian, the two arch villains, are intended to stand, as we have suggested, for Howard and Arundel, who are his overt enemies. But Prospero has resolved "at this time" to "tell no tales" about them; thus freeing his imagination to range at will. Their fealty to the Spanish Rex adds point to the name of the "damn'd witch Sycorax," whose son is Caliban. Conspiracy had been another evil which had fettered Edward de Vere's imagination. For the aspect of Caliban as the vulgar playwrights and actors we have Prospero's confirmation (I.2.353-8):
In the following passage (I.2.308-14) there seems to be a more complex meaning:
Mrs. Clark observes that "the hewers of wood and the drawers of water" have been "infected with the virus of Puritanism," accepting it as their religion; while Oxford, disaffected with Roman Catholicism because of the abuses the supporters of the French marriage have brought to it, likes that no better than the aggressive Calvinism which is becoming so popular. Lord Oxford had taught the general public many things through the medium of his plays, but "the Puritans were inveighing against the stage with steadily increasing vehemence, which explains why Caliban 'never yields us kind answer.' "
On discovering Caliban lying upon the ground wi th his and Trinculo's legs showing beneath his gaberdine, Stephano seeks to "recover"--which is to say, convert--him:
Caliban's song (II.2.180-6) is that of the ignorant public, of the eternal believer in the prophets of Utopia and in the possibility of getting something for nothing:
Quite as modern as jazz in his song, Caliban seems to be up-to-date in his threats too, when he says to Prospero (I.2.363-5):
As Miranda and Ferdinand fell in love at first sight, so it would seem the young Lord Strange, Ferdinanda Stanley, had felt a strong affinity for Lord Oxford's plays upon the first encounter, as his brother William was also to do. Born in 1559, Ferdinanda Stanley was called Lord Strange until, upon his father's death, he inherited the Earldom of Derby. He was intensely interested in the theatre and during the '80's became the patron of a company of actors, acquiring some of the Paul's Boys when that company was dissolved in 1590. "A scholar, poet, and patron of the drama," he was extolled by Spenser as Amyntas in Colin Clout Comes Home Again; by Nashe in Pierce Pennilesse; by Greene in Ciceronis; and by Chapman in The Silence of the Night.
None of his work survives; it was of course anonymous, like that of his brother, the Sixth Earl of Derby, and their friend, the Earl of Oxford. The Stanleys were descended through their mother from Lady Mary Tudor, the younger sister of Henry VIII. Ward writes:
In 1583, this cultivated young courtier was twenty-four years old; Lord Oxford had, at thirty-three, already become a Prospero. Ferdinand follows Ariel to his master's presence and falls in love with Prospero's daughter. They feel they are made for each other.
This is the way both men felt about the drama, and William Stanley felt likewise. It exerted such a fascination over them that they were willing to be nameless in its service. Sir Edmund Chambers's speculations regarding this association and the man he calls "Shakespeare" are interesting, if exasperating. His exhaustive investigations and painstaking studies would have been of inestimable value, had he not, through the necessity of making Shaksper of Stratford and Shakespeare the dramatist the same man, been led into tortuous conjecture and supposition. Still, in the light of the details he recorded, we can see the true picture more clearly, and we can only regret that, because he never penetrated the mystery of the dramatist's concealed identity, he failed to reap the full reward of his efforts. One honors him for his truthful summing-up of one phase: "After all the careful scrutiny of clues and all the patient balancing of possibilities, the last word for a self-respecting scholarship can only be that of nescience." Chambers supposes that it was because of the excellence of his actors, Alleyn in particular, that Ferdinando Stanley's company gave six performances at court in the winter of 1591-92. We know it was because of his connection with the great court-dramatist, Lord Oxford. He says the important fact is that, in 1592, Ferdinando Stanley's company began to act Shakespeare's plays at the Rose. Here we have one tangible result of the liaison between Ferdinand and Prospero. But soon, lured further along the dazzling path of speculation to the land where everything is seen backwards, he suggests that the debut of "William Shakespeare" is closely connected with the Fifth Earl of Derby. We base our contention that it was quite the other way round upon the authority of the dramatist himself, in The Tempest. Oxford may have had Ferdinando serve an apprenticeship, as Prospero insists upon Ferdinand's eating coarse food and performing menial chores about the island (the theatre), before pronouncing him worthy of a share in producing the plays. He saw the alliance as a charming love-story, and no doubt the meeting of Ferdinand and Miranda was the beginning of a happy association on Lord Oxford's part no less than Ferdinando's. Certainly it was a source of joy to him when the Fair Youth became Ferdinand and could not be kept away from Prospero's magic island, to which a strange "wrack" had driven him. When Prospero sees that Ferdinand and Nliranda have fallen in love, he says (I.2.438-9):
He was to make the adored Fair Youth--prototype, together with his own former self, of Sebastian, the "adored" youth of Antonio, in Twelfth Night, who had survived a "wrack"--his heir in the theatre; hence the two "hair-heir" puns:
and
Far-fetched as this may seem to a present-day reader, the reference is to the Fair Youth, the heir, and had necessarily to be guarded. A fuller explanation will be forthcoming. Suffice it for the moment to say that Ferdinand's words to Prospero (IV.1.122-4),
would have given great happiness to the poet of the Sonnets when spoken by him who inspired so many of them. Before setting Ariel free and releasing his enemies;, Prospero says (V.1.21 et seq.):
The haughty young feudal lord, who swore with "some device" to "pay despite his due," has, by the time this is written, grown in wisdom; his "nobler reason" has asserted itself, and he has discovered that "virtue" is more to be prized than "vengeance."
says Alonso to Gonzalo (V.l.l99-200); and Prospero soliloquizes (48-57):
This is the man--Jaques, Prospero, they are one and the same--who, many years before the revision of The Tempest, had written, "All the world's a stage," and who now, shortly before the end of his life, it must surely be, so movingly says (IV.1.148-58):
But Prospero has remembered that he must deal with Caliban; and he continues:
All this part belongs perforce to a late date: Prospero is old. Oxford will also speak, in a letter toward the close of the '90's, of "mine infirmity." The Puritans' opposition had grown tougher and uglier. So had his difficulties with regard to his pirated plays--the actors' memory versions, and so on. He was weary of frustration. It was because of this that a further meaning was injected into several of the Stephano-Trinculo-Caliban scenes: their machinations on the island now symbolizing certain specific doings in the theatre with regard to the plays, which by then had come to be known as "Shakespeare's.:' Although to speak of this here is premature, we hope the reader will be indulgent enough to suspend judgment until corroborative evidence can be introduced. During the 1590's, after the pseudonym had been adopted, a young provincial appeared in London who had a name so similar to it, coupled with a disposition so brash and acquisitive, that he proceeded to pass himself off as the author. He seems to have done a good deal of strutting round, growing intoxicated with success; and undoubtedly many simple and credulous persons took him at his own valuation. In several passages we see a presentment of this man as Stephano, the butler, combined with Trinculo, the jester. Caliban. Thou shalt be lord of it [the island, or the theatre], and I'll serve thee. (III.2.62.) Presently, quite as Hamlet the King is, while sleeping, robbed of his kingdom and his life, Prospero is threatened with the loss of his:
This could hardly be made plainer. Catch him unawares, "brain him"--a significant expression--and be sure to "possess his books": i.e., his manuscripts; he, being a nobleman and high official at court, cannot publicly protest. He has "utensils"--properties--with which he'll equip a theatre of his own when he has one. But the most important consideration is of course "the beauty," or value, "of his daughter," the plays. He himself well knows their worth, says Caliban. And Oxford did know they were unsurpassed, "nonpareil." Caliban suggests cutting "his wezand" with a knife: another significant expression, for it means rendering him speechless. Prospero-Oxford is aware of the tiresome conspiracy afoot to rob him of credit for the authorship of the plays which he loves so much.
The plotters go to his cell and steal his "utensils." Caliban says to the impostor, Stephano (who, by the way, has his counterpart with the same name in the first version of Jonson's Every Man In His Humour):
Many times shall we be given this story of the upstart who tried to "steal" the plays and be known as the author, in order to make him-- sell "king of this country" --the world of the theater. According to Jonson and other playwrights, he even dressed as a courtier and gave himself courtier's airs. And here we have: O king Stephano! O peer! [A doubly significant word.] look what a wardrobe is here for thee! Even the "jerkin" which was hanging on the line was to lose its true "hair." The man who was stealing it may well have been bald: he is always pictured so. "We steal by line and level," he puns; and justly, for he first practiced against the authentic dramatist by pirating his plays, publishing actor's memory versions (this Caliban's part in the enterprise)--which is literally to steal by "line" and by "level" (parallel passages)--and palming himself off, in his new wardrobe, as the author. The Lord Great Chamberlain of England could not prosecute this man and his printer--or actor--confederates publicly, as well they knew. Prospero solves this difficulty by giving them private pangs, pinches, and cramps.
To an Elizabethan like the Earl of Derby, who was the husband of the conjurer's flesh-and-blood daughter, all this would have been so clear as to seem extremely dangerous. The Tempest was published for the first time in the 1623 Folio, and Derby may have edited it. Whoever had the final decision in the matter of the great hoax, intended that, for a time at least, the easily befuddled public should continue to believe the impostor the king of the magic island. They must have supposed, however, that one day the trick would be understood and the true identity recognized. Upon seeing The Tempest performed today, one is left with the conviction that it is a poignant memorial to a supreme magician. Notes 1 When his brother became king, in 1574, Alençon was made duc d'Anjou, but he continued to be called by his former name. back 2 Hidd. All.; pp. 417-18. back 3 pp. 316-20. back
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