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Part Two - William Shakespeare - Attorney At Law

Lord Campbell, as we have just seen, mentions Henry VIII as one of the fourteen plays in which he has found nothing which relates to the question in hand; but Mr. Rushton opens his batteries with the following passage from the very play just named; and to most readers it will seem a bomb of the largest dimensions, sent right into the citadel of his opponents:

Suff. Lord Cardinal, the king’s further pleasure is,
Because all those things you have done of late
By your power legatine within this kingdom
Fall into compass of a premunire,
That therefore such a writ be sued against you,
To forfeit all your goods, lands, tenements,
Chattels, and whatsoever, and to be
Out of the kings protection:—this is my charge.
—King Henry VIII, Act iii. Sc. 2.

We shall first remark, that, in spite of his declaration as to Henry VIII, Lord Campbell does cite and quote this very, passage (p. 42); and, indeed, he must have been as unappreciative as he seems to have been inaccurate, had he failed to do so; for, upon its face, it is, with one or two exceptions, the most important passage of the kind to be found in Shakespeare’s works. Premunire is thus defined in an old law-book, which was accessible to Shakespeare:

"Premunire is a writ, and it lieth where any man sueth any other in the spirituall court for anything that is determinable in the King’s Court, and that is ordeined by certaine statutes, and great punishment therefore ordeined, as it appeareth by the same statutes, viz., that he shall be out of the King’s protection, and that he be put in prison without baile or mainprise till that he have made fine at the King’s will, and that his landes and goods shal be forfait, if he come not within ij. moneths."—Termes de la Ley, 1595, fol. 144.

The object of the writ was to prevent the abuse of spiritual power. Now, here is a law-term quite out of the common, which is used by Shakespeare with a well-deployed knowledge of the power of the writ of which it is the name. Must we, therefore, suppose that Shakespeare had obtained his knowledge of the purpose and the power of this writ in the course of professional reading or practice? [90]

If we looked no farther than Shakespeare’s page, such a supposition might seem to be warranted. But if we turn to Michael Drayton’s Legend of Great Cromwell, first published, we believe, in 1607, but certainly some years before Henry VIII was written, and the subject of which figures in that play, we find these lines,

This Me to urge the Premunire wonne,
Ordain’d in matters dangerous and hie;
In t’ which the heedlesse Prelacie were runne
That back into the Papacie did flie.
— Ed. 1619, p. 382.

Here is the very phrase in question, used with a knowledge of its meaning and of the functions of the writ hardly less remarkable than that evinced in the passage from Henry VIII, though expressed in a different manner, owing chiefly to the fact that Drayton wrote a didactic poem and Shakespeare a drama. But Drayton is not known to have been an attorney’s clerk, nor has he been suspected, from his writings, or any other cause, to have had any knowledge of the law. Both he and Shakespeare, however, read the Chronicles. Reading men perused Hall’s and Holinshed’s huge blackletter folios in Queen Elizabeth’s time with as much interest as they do Macaulay’s or Prescott’s elegant octavos in the reign of her successor, Victoria. Shakespeare drew again and again upon the former for the material of his historical plays; and in writing Henry VIII he adopted often the very language of the Chronicler. The well-known description of Wolsey, which he puts into the mouth of Queen Katherine,

He was a man
Of an unbounded stomach, ever ranking
Himself with princes; one that by suggestion
Tith’d all the kingdom: Simony was fair play:
His own opinion was his law: I’ the presence
He would say untruths; and be ever double,
Both in his words and meaning: He was never,
But where he meant to ruin, pitiful:
His promises were, as he then was, mighty;
But his performance, as he is now, nothing:
Of his own body he was ill, and gave
The clergy ill example,

is little more than the following paragraph from Holinshed put into verse:

This cardinal (as you may perceive in this storie) was of a great stomach, for he compted himselfe equall with princes, and by craftie suggestion gat into his hands innumerable treasure: he forced little on simonie, [i. e., regarded it as of little consequence,] and was not pittiful, and stood affectionate in his owne opinion: in open presence he would lie and saie untruth, and was double both in speach and meaning: he would promise much and performe little: he was vicious of his bodie, and gave the clergie evill example.
—Ed. 1587, vol. iii. p. 922.

Turning back from the page on which the Chronicler comments upon the life of the dead prime-minister, to that on which he records his fall, we find these passages:

In the meane time, the king, being informed that all those things that the cardinall had doone by his power legatine within this realme were in the case of the premunire and provision, caused his attornie, Christopher Hales, to sue out a writ of premunire against him. . . . . . After this in the king’s bench his matter for the premunire being called upon, two atturneis which he had authorised by his warrant, signed with his owne hand, confessed the action, and so bad judgement to forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods, and cattels, and to be out of the king’s protection.—Ib. p. 909.

If the reader will look back at the passage touching the premunire, quoted above, he will see that these few lines from Raphael Holinshed are somewhat fatal to an argument in favor of Shakespeare’s "legal acquirements," in so far as it rests in any degree upon the use of terms or the knowledge displayed in that passage. Shakespeare and Drayton are here in the same boat, though "not with the same sculls."

Before we shelve Holinshed—for the good Raphael’s folios are like Falstaff in size, if not in wit, and, when once laid flat-long, require levers to set them up on end again—let us see if he cannot help us to account for more of the "legalisms" that our Lord Chief Justice and our barrister have "smelt out" in Shakespeare’s historical plays. Mr. Rushton quotes the following passages from Richard II: [91]

York. Is not Gaunt dead? and doth not Hereford live?
* * * *
Take Hereford’s rights away, and take from time
His charters and his customary rights;
Let not to-morrow, then, ensue to-day:
Be not thyself; for how art thou a king,
But by fair sequence and succession?
Now, afore God, (God forbid I say true!)
If you do wrongfully seize Hereford’s rights,
Call in the letters patents that he hath
By his attorneys-general to sue,
His livery, and deny his offer’d homage,
You pluck a thousand dangers on your head.
—Act ii. Sc.1.
Bol. I am denied to sue my livery here,
And yet my letters patents give me leave:
My father’s goods are all distrain’d and sold;
And these, and all, are all amiss employed.
What would you have me do? I am a subject,
And challenge law: Attorneys are denied me;
And therefore personally I lay my claim
To my inheritance of free descent.
Ib. Sc. 3.

And Lord Campbell, although he passes by these passages in Richard II, quotes, as important, from a speech of Hotspur’s in the First Part of Henry IV, the following lines, which, it will be seen, refer to the same act of oppression on the part of Richard II towards Bolingbroke:

He came but to be Duke of Lancaster,
To sue his livery and beg his bread.
—Act iv. Sc. 3.

But, here again, Shakespeare, although he may have known more law than Holinshed, or even Hall, who was a barrister, only used the law-terms that he found in the paragraph which furnished him with the incident that he dramatized. For, after recording the death of Gaunt, the Chronicle goes on:

The death of this duke gave occasion of increasing more hatred in the people of this realme toward the king; for he seized into his hands all the rents and reuenues of his hands which ought to have descended unto the duke of Hereford by lawfull inheritance, in reuoking his letters patents which he had granted to him before, by virtue whereof he might make, his attorneis generall to sue liverie for him of any manner of inheritances or possessions that might from thencefoorth fall unto him, and that his homage might be respited with making reasonable fine, etc. —HOLINSHED, Ed. 1587, p. 496.

The only legal phrase, however, in these passages of Richard II, which seems to imply very extraordinary legal knowledge, is the one repeated in Henry IV—"sue his livery,"—which was the term applied to the process by which, in the old feudal tenures, wards, whether of the king or other guardian, on arriving at legal age, could compel a delivery of their estates to them from their guardians. But hence, it became a metaphorical expression to mean merely the attainment of majority, and in this sense seems to have been very generally understood and not uncommonly used. See the following, from an author who was no attorney or attorney’s clerk:

If Cupid
Shoot arrows of that weight, I’ll swear devoutly
H’as sued his livery and is no more a boy.
—FLETCHER’S Woman’s Prize, Act ii. Sc. 1.
And this, from the works of a divine:
Our little Cupid hath sued livery
And is no more in his minority.
—DONNE’S Eclogues, 1613.

Spenser, too, uses the phrase figuratively in another sense, in the following passage—which may be one of those which Chalmers had in his eye, when, according to Lord Campbell, he "first suggested" that Shakespeare was once an attorney’s clerk:

She gladly did of that same Babe accept,
As of her owne by liverey and seisin;
And having over it a little wept,
She bore it thence, and ever as her owne it kept.
Faerie Queene, B. VI. C. iv. st. 37.

So, for instance of the phrase "fee," which Lord Campbell notices as one of those expressions and allusions which "crop out" in Hamlet, "showing the substratum of law in the author "mind,"

We go to gain a little patch of ground,
That hath in it no profit but the name.
To pay five ducats, five, I would not farm it;
Nor will it yield to Norway or the Pole
A ranker rate, should it be sold in fee.
—Act iv. Sc. 2. [92]

and of which Mr. Rushton quotes several instances in its fuller form, "fee simple,"—we have but to turn back a few stanzas in this same canto of the Faerie Queene, to find one in which the term is used with the completest apprehension of its meaning:

So is my lord now seiz’d of fill the land,
As in his fee, with peaceable estate,
And quietly doth hold it in his hand,
Ne any dares with him for it debate.
Ib. st. 30.
And in the next canto:
Of which the greatest part is due to me,
And heaven itself, by heritage in fee.
Ib. C. vii. st. 15.

And in the first of these two passages from the Faerie Queene, we have two words, "seized" and "estate," intelligently and correctly used in their purely legal sense, as Shakespeare himself uses them in the following passages, which our Chief Justice and our barrister have both passed by, as, indeed, they have passed many others equally worthy of notice:

Did forfeit with his life all those his lands
Which he stood seiz’d of to the conqueror.
Hamlet, Act i. Sc.1.
The terms of our estate may not endure
Hazard so near us,
Ib. Act iii. Sc. 3.

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