The following books are discussed in this essay:
A Place Called School, by John I. Goodlad
The Good High School, by Sara Lawrence Lightfoot
Horace's Compromise: The Dilemma of the American High School, by Theodore R.
Sizer
High School: A Report on Secondary Education in America, by Ernest L. Boyer
and the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching
A Nation at Risk: The
Imperative for Educational Reform, by the National Commission on Excellence
in Education
The Great School Debate: Which Way for American Education?, edited by Beatrice
and Ronald Gross
The Challenge to American Schools, edited by John Bunzel
The Troubled Crusade: American Education 1945-1980, by Diane Ravitch
_______________________
Until very recently, remarkably little was known about what actually goes on
in America's public schools. There were no reliable answers to even the most
obvious questions. How many children are taught to read in overcrowded classrooms?
How prevalent is rote learning and how common are classroom discussions? Do
most schools set off gongs to mark the change of "periods"? Is it
a common practice to bark commands over public address systems in the manner
of army camps, prisons, and banana republics? Public schooling provides the
only intense experience of a public realm that most Americans will ever know.
Are school buildings designed with the dignity appropriate to a great republican
institution, or are most of them as crummy looking as one's own?
The darkness enveloping America's public schools is truly extraordinary considering
that 38.9 million students attend them, that we spend nearly $134 billion a
year on them, and that foundations ladle out generous sums for the study of
everything about schooling--except what really occurs in the schools. John I.
Goodlad's eight-year investigation of a mere thirty-eight of America's 80,000
public schools--the result of which, A Place Called School, was published last
year--is the most comprehensive such study ever undertaken. Hailed as a "landmark
in American educational research," it was financed with great difficulty.
The darkness, it seems, has its guardians.
Happily, the example of Goodlad, a former dean of UCLA's Graduate School of
Education, has proven contagious. A flurry of new books sheds considerable light
on the practice of public education in America. In The Good High School, Sara
Lawrence Lightfoot offers vivid "portraits" of six distinctive American
secondary schools. In Horace's Compromise, Theodore R. Sizer, a former dean
of Harvard's Graduate School of Education, reports on his two-year odyssey through
public high schools around the country. Even High School, a white paper issued
by Ernest L. Boyer and the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching,
is supported by a close investigation of the institutional life of a number
of schools. Of the books under review, only A
Nation at Risk, the report of the Reagan Administration's National Commission
on Excellence in Education, adheres to the established practice of crass special
pleading in the dark.
Thanks to Goodlad et al., it is now clear what the great educational darkness
has so long concealed: the depth and pervasiveness of political hypocrisy in
the common schools of the country. The great ambition professed by public school
managers is, of course, education for citizenship and self-government, which
harks back to Jefferson's historic call for "general education to enable
every man to judge for himself what will secure or endanger his freedom."
What the public schools practice with remorseless proficiency, however, is the
prevention of citizenship and the stifling of self-government. When 58 percent
of the thirteen-year-olds tested by the National Assessment for Educational
Progress think it is against the law to start a third party in America, we are
dealing not with a sad educational failure but with a remarkably subtle success.
Passive, Docile Students
Consider how effectively America's future citizens are trained not to judge
for themselves about anything. From the first grade to the twelfth, from one
coast to the other, instruction in America's classrooms is almost entirely dogmatic.
Answers are "right" and answers are "wrong," but mostly
answers are short. "At all levels, [teacher-made] tests called almost exclusively
for short answers and recall of information," reports Goodlad. In more
than 1,000 classrooms visited by his researchers, "only rarely" was
there "evidence to suggest instruction likely to go much beyond mere possession
of information to a level of understanding its implications." Goodlad goes
on to note that "the intellectual terrain is laid out by the teacher. The
paths for walking through it are largely predetermined by the teacher."
The give-and-take of genuine discussion is conspicuously absent. "Not even
1%" of instructional time, he found, was devoted to discussions that "required
some kind of open response involving reasoning or perhaps an opinion from students....
The extraordinary degree of student passivity stands out."
Sizer's research substantiates Goodlad's. "No more important finding has
emerged from the inquiries of our study than that the American high school student,
as student, is all too often docile, compliant, and without initiative."
There is good reason for this. On the one hand, notes Sizer, there are too few
rewards for being inquisitive." On the other, the heavy emphasis on "the
right answer ... smothers the student's efforts to become an effective intuitive
thinker."
Yet smothered minds are looked on with the utmost complacency by the educational
establishment--by the Reagan Department of Education, state boards of regents,
university education departments, local administrators, and even many so-called
educational reformers. Teachers are neither urged to combat the tyranny of the
short right answer nor trained to do so. "Most teachers simply do not know
how to reach for higher levels of thinking," says Goodlad. Indeed, they
are actively discouraged from trying to do so.
The discouragement can be quite subtle. In their orientation talks to new, inexperienced
teachers, for example, school administrators often indicate that they do not
much care what happens in class so long as no noise can be heard in the hallway.
This thinly veiled threat virtually ensures the prevalence of short-answer drills,
workbook exercises, and the copying of long extracts from the blackboard. These
may smother young minds, but they keep the classroom Quiet.
Discouragement even calls itself reform. Consider the current cry for greater
use of standardized student tests to judge the "merit" of teachers
and raise "academic standards." If this fake reform is foisted on
the schools, dogma and docility will become even more prevalent. This point
is well made by Linda Darling-Hammond of the Rand Corporation in an essay in
The Great School Debate. Where "important decisions are based on test scores,"
she notes, "teachers are more likely to teach to the tests" and less
likely to bother with "nontested activities, such as writing, speaking,
problem-solving or real reading of real books." The most influential promoter
of standardized tests is the "excellence" brigade in the Department
of Education; so clearly one important meaning of "educational excellence"
is greater proficiency in smothering students' efforts to think for themselves.
Probably the greatest single discouragement to better instruction is the overcrowded
classroom. The Carnegie report points out that English teachers cannot teach
their students how to write when they must read and criticize the papers of
as many as 175 students. As Sizer observes, genuine discussion is possible only
in small seminars. In crowded classrooms, teachers have difficulty imparting
even the most basic intellectual skills, since they have no time to give students
personal attention. The overcrowded classroom inevitably debases instruction,
yet it is the rule in America's public schools. In the first three grades of
elementary school, Goodlad notes, the average class has twenty-seven students.
High school classes range from twenty-five to forty students, according to the
Carnegie report.
What makes these conditions appalling is that they are quite unnecessary. The
public schools are top-heavy with administrators and rife with sinecures. Large
numbers of teachers scarcely ever set foot in a classroom, being occupied instead
as grade advisers, career counselors, "coordinators," and supervisors.
"Schools, if simply organized," Sizer writes, "can have well-paid
faculty and fewer than eighty students per teacher (16 students per class without
increasing current per-pupil expenditure." Yet no serious effort is being
made to reduce class size. As Sizer notes, "Reducing teacher load is, when
all the negotiating is over, a low agenda item for the unions and school boards."
Overcrowded classrooms virtually guarantee smothered minds, yet the subject
is not even mentioned in A Nation at Risk, for all its well-publicized braying
about a "rising tide of mediocrity."
Do the nation's educators really want to teach almost 40 million students how
to "think critically," in the Carnegie report's phrase, and "how
to judge for themselves," in Jefferson's? The answer is, if you can believe
that you will believe anything. The educational establishment is not even content
to produce passive minds. It seeks passive spirits as well. One effective agency
for producing these is the overly populous school. The larger schools are, the
more prison-like they tend to be. In such schools, guards man the stairwells
and exits. ID cards and "passes" are examined at checkpoints. Bells
set off spasms of anarchy and bells quell the student mob. PA systems interrupt
regularly with trivial fiats and frivolous announcements. This "malevolent
intruder," in Sizer's apt phrase, is truly ill willed, for the PA system
is actually an educational tool. It teaches the huge student mass to respect
the authority of disembodied voices and the rule of remote and invisible agencies.
Sixty-three percent of all high school students in America attend schools with
enrollments of 5,000 or more. The common excuse for these mobbed schools is
economy, but in fact they cannot be shown to save taxpayers a penny. Large schools
"tend to create passive and compliant students," notes Robert B. Hawkins
Jr. in an essay in The Challenge to American Schools. That is their chief reason
for being.
"How can the relatively passive and docile roles of students prepare them
to participate as informed, active and questioning citizens?" asks the
Carnegie report, in discussing the "hidden curriculum" of passivity
in the schools. The answer is, they were not meant to. Public schools introduce
future citizens to the public world, but no introduction could be more disheartening.
Architecturally, public school buildings range from drab to repellent. They
are often disfigured by demoralizing neglect--"cracked sidewalks, a shabby
lawn, and peeling paint on every window sash," to quote the Carnegie report.
Many big-city elementary schools have numbers instead of names, making them
as coldly dispiriting as possible.
Stamping Out Republican Sentiment
Public schools stamp out republican sentiment by habituating their students
to unfairness, inequality, and special privilege. These arise inevitably from
the educational establishment's longstanding policy (well described by Diane
Ravitch in The Troubled Crusade) of maintaining "the correlation between
social class and educational achievement." In order to preserve that factitious
"correlation," public schooling is rigged to favor middle-class students
and to ensure that working-class students do poorly enough to convince them
that they fully merit the lowly station that will one day be theirs. "Our
goal is to get these kids to be like their parents," one teacher, more
candid than most, remarked to a Carnegie researcher.
For more than three decades, elementary schools across the country practiced
a "progressive," non-phonetic method of teaching reading that had
nothing much to recommend it save its inherent social bias. According to Ravitch,
this method favored "children who were already motivated and prepared to
begin reading" before entering school, while making learning to read more
difficult for precisely those children whose parents were ill read or ignorant.
The advantages enjoyed by the well-bred were thus artificially multiplied tenfold,
and 23 million adult Americans are today "functional illiterates."
America's educators, notes Ravitch, have "never actually accepted full
responsibility for making all children literate."
That describes a malicious intent a trifle too mildly. Reading is the key to
everything else in school. Children who struggle with it in the first grade
will be "grouped" with the slow readers in the second grade and will
fall hopelessly behind in all subjects by the sixth. The schools hasten this
process of failing behind, report Goodlad and others, by giving the best students
the best teachers and struggling students the worst ones. "It is ironic,"
observes the Carnegie report, "that those who need the most help get the
least." Such students are commonly diagnosed as "culturally deprived"
and so are blamed for the failures inflicted on them. Thus, they are taught
to despise themselves even as they are inured to their inferior station.
The whole system of unfairness, inequality, and privilege comes to fruition
in high school. There, some 15.7 million youngsters are formally divided into
the favored few and the ill-favored many by the practice of "tracking."
About 35 percent of America's public secondary-school students are enrolled
in academic programs (often subdivided into "gifted" and "non-gifted"
tracks); the rest are relegated to some variety of non-academic schooling. Thus
the tracking system, as intended, reproduces the divisions of the class system.
"The honors programs," notes Sizer, "serve the wealthier youngsters,
and the general tracks (whatever their titles) serve the working class. Vocational
programs are often a cruel social dumping ground." The bottom-dogs are
trained for jobs as auto mechanics, cosmeticians, and institutional cooks, but
they rarely get the jobs they are trained for. Pumping gasoline, according to
the Carnegie report, is as close as an auto mechanics major is likely to get
to repairing a car. "Vocational education in the schools is virtually irrelevant
to job fate," asserts Goodlad. It is merely the final hoax that the school
bureaucracy plays on the neediest, one that the federal government has been
promoting for seventy years.
The tracking system makes privilege and inequality blatantly visible to everyone.
It creates under one roof "two worlds of schooling," to quote Goodlad.
Students in academic programs read Shakespeare's plays. The commonality, notes
the Carnegie report. are allowed virtually no contact with serious literature.
In their English classes they practice filling out job applications. "Gifted"
students alone are encouraged to think for themselves. The rest are subjected
to sanctimonious wind, chiefly about "work habits" and "career
opportunities."
"If you are the child of low-income parents," reports Sizer, "the
chances are good that you will receive limited and often careless attention
from adults in your high school. If you are the child of upper-middle-income
parents, the chances are good that you will receive substantial and careful
attention." In Brookline High School in Massachusetts, one of Lightfoot's
"good" schools, a few fortunate students enjoy special treatment in
their Advanced Placement classes. Meanwhile, students tracked into "career
education" learn about "institutional cooking and clean-up" in
a four-term Food Service course that requires them to mop up after their betters
in the school cafeteria.
This wretched arrangement expresses the true spirit of public education in America
and discloses the real aim of its hidden curriculum. A favored few, pampered
and smiled upon, are taught to cherish privilege and despise the disfavored.
The favorless many, who have majored in failure for years, are taught to think
ill of themselves. Youthful spirits are broken to the world and every impulse
of citizenship is effectively stifled. John Goodlad's judgment is severe but
just: "There is in the gap between our highly idealistic goals for schooling
in our society and the differentiated opportunities condoned and supported in
schools a monstrous hypocrisy."
Phony Reforms
The public schools of America have not been corrupted for trivial reasons. Much
would be different in a republic composed of citizens who could judge for themselves
what secured or endangered their freedom. Every wielder of illicit or undemocratic
power, every possessor of undue influence, every beneficiary of corrupt special
privilege would find his position and tenure at hazard. Republican education
is a menace to powerful, privileged, and influential people, and they in turn
are a menace to republican education. That is why the generation that founded
the public schools took care to place them under the suffrage of local communities,
and that is why the corrupters of public education have virtually destroyed
that suffrage. In 1932 there were 127,531 school districts in America. Today
there are approximately 15,840 and they are virtually impotent, their proper
role having been usurped by state and federal authorities. Curriculum and text.
books, methods of instruction, the procedures of the classroom, the organization
of the school day, the cant, the pettifogging, and the corruption are almost
uniform from coast to coast. To put down the menace of republican education
its shield of local self-government had to be smashed, and smashed it was.
The public schools we have today are what the powerful and the considerable
have made of them. They will not be redeemed by trifling reforms. Merit pay,
a longer school year, more homework, special schools for "the gifted,"
and more standardized tests will not even begin to turn our public schools into
nurseries of "informed, active and questioning citizens." They are
not meant to. When the authors of A
Nation at Risk call upon the schools to create an "educated work force,"
they are merely sanctioning the prevailing corruption, which consists precisely
in the reduction of citizens to credulous workers. The education of a free people
will not come from federal bureaucrats crying up "excellence" for
"economic growth," any more than it came from their predecessors who
cried up schooling as a means to "get a better job."
Only ordinary citizens can rescue the schools from their stifling corruption,
for nobody else wants ordinary children to become questioning citizens at all.
If we wait for the mighty to teach America's youth what secures or endangers
their freedom, we will wait until the crack of doom.
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